Untying the “Knots”: Responsibilities of Curators in the Exhibition onof Catholic Culture at the Vietnam Museum of Ethnology

Back in August 2008, the plan to organize an exhibition on Catholic culture at the Vietnam Museum of Ethnology (VME) in November was carefully considered and rescheduled for December of the same year. Near that time, the tension between the church and the city government of Hanoi over land disputes at 42 Nhà Chung (Hoàn Kiếm District) and 178 Nguyễn Lương Bằng (Đống Đa District) escalated into protests. The tense situation at that time required the exhibition organizers and museum leaders to have more time to review the exhibition details carefully. On December 10, 2008, the Living in the Sacraments – Catholic Culture in Contemporary Vietnam exhibition took place just two days after the trial of Catholic protesters. The opening ceremony attracted a large number of religious managers, priests, and followers. The exhibition received positive feedback, and became a cultural and social phenomenon at the time. Many people did not understand how or why such an exhibition could be organized at a sensitive time, but still achieved such an impressive result. Let’s join a curator who participated in organizing this exhibition to review the milestones in the history of Catholic indoctrination in Vietnam, and its process of “taking root” in the country – the “discrepancies” that formed prejudices against Catholicism up to the time of the exhibition; and look back on the “knots” we encountered in organizing the exhibition and participate in the process of “untying these knots”.

The Introduction of Catholicism to Vietnam and the “Discrepancies”

The year 1533 is considered by researchers to be the starting point for the introduction of Catholicism in Vietnam^[1]. Before Catholicism was introduced, Vietnam already had indigenous cultural elements and the ideas of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism interwoven and complementing each other. However, at specific historical periods, one element might have been more valued than the others. Catholicism, meanwhile, brought with it many different value standards. When it took root in Vietnamese society, for various reasons, there were some “discrepancies” which, over time, led to conflicts and subsequent prejudices against the Catholic community and this religion.

From Cultural and Social Conflicts to Political Conflicts

Catholicism is a monotheistic religion that worships the Holy Trinity. Upon entering Vietnam, Catholicism considered other religions and traditional beliefs as (đạo dối)- false, superstitious, and misguided; it forbade its followers from venerating the deities of other religions^[2]. Regarding ancestor worship (at least until the Second Vatican Council, 1962-1965)^[3], the Church always taught its followers to only respect their parents, meaning they were only to show honor without bowing, lighting incense, or making offerings during death anniversaries^[4]. Therefore, before the Second Vatican Council, Vietnamese Catholic followers had to choose if they  believed in God, they had to give up ancestor worship^[5]. Catholicism also advocated for monogamous marriage. These Catholic ideologies led to reactions from various social classes^[6].

In terms of political ideology, during feudal times, depending on the period, Buddhism or Confucianism were given more importance than other religions, but fundamentally, there were no conflicts of a contentious nature. However, the “State-Church relationship truly became an issue from the time Catholicism was introduced into our country.”^[7] Catholicism was introduced during a period of profound social crisis in Vietnam. Initially, the contact with Western culture during this period occurred through religion and commerce. Two reasons prompted the rulers of the feudal dynasties (17th-18th centuries) to have an open and welcoming attitude toward the propagation of Catholicism by Western missionaries^[8] through trading ships: they wanted to obtain valuable products through trade and purchase European weapons for war purposes. Evangelical activities depended on the arrival of trading ships—if the supply of goods and weapons was favorable, the rulers “turned a blind eye” to the reactions from the populace; otherwise, the rulers had to appease the populace by issuing decrees limiting missionary activities.

The anti-Catholic period during the Tây Sơn era (1788-1802) stemmed more from political reasons than cultural-religious ones, mainly because missionaries and Catholic followers supported Nguyễn Ánh to not submit to the Tây Sơn regime. By the 19th century, the Nguyễn dynasty’s harsh prohibition of Catholicism was not only due to national security concerns in the face of Western invasion threats but also the issue of legitimizing Confucianism as the official religion. However, conflicts over the cultural and spiritual practice of ancestor worship and the promotion of monogamous marriage were significant reasons for escalating conflicts between Catholicism and the court. Additionally, Catholicism was tightly organized within a Church that coexisted with the government. This established the relationship between the State and the Catholic Church as a relationship between two organizations, which was entirely different from the State’s relationship with religions in Vietnamese society before that.

Particularly, after the anti-Catholic decrees of Kings Minh Mạng (reigned from 1820 to 1841), Thiệu Trị (1841-1847), and Tự Đức (1848 – 1883), in 1858, French colonialists launched an invasion of Vietnam under the pretext that the Huế court persecuted missionaries and refused to accept France’s diplomatic demands for free trade. In the escalating invasion of the French colonialists, many missionaries and Catholic followers (under the influence of missionaries) participated and fought against their own country.^[9] Given this reality, King Tự Đức had to continue a more stringent anti-Catholic policy, which provided further justification for French intervention. Under French pressure, the court was forced to sign the Treaty of Nhâm Tuất (May 1962), through which the court ceded three provinces in Eastern Southern Vietnam and abolished anti-Catholic policies. This caused strong reactions from officials and patriotic Confucian scholars in Central Vietnam who participated in the Văn Thân movement^[10] whose slogan was  “Bình Tây, Sát Tả”^[11] (Driving out the French, killing the Catholics), resulting in many massacres of Catholics.

After the August Revolution (1945) and the victory at Điện Biên Phủ (1954), from 1954-1975, the geo-religious map of Catholicism changed completely, with 7/9 Catholic followers concentrated in the South and the Ngô Đình Diệm government relied on Catholicism^[12]. Additionally, in North Vietnam during the 1970s-80s, there were events that also affected the alignment of Catholicism with Socialism, such as border wars and economic-social crises due to the subsidy regime. After the State abolished the subsidy regime and entered a period of comprehensive renovation, the Vietnamese Church also emphasized the policy of “living the Gospel in the heart of the nation to serve the happiness of the people,”^[13] and the relationship between Catholicism and the government experienced many changes.

Conflicts Impacting Catholic Practices and Relations between Catholic and Non-Catholic Communities

The early forms of religious activity introduced by Catholicism are not recorded much in official histories but are only mentioned in unofficial history sources (such as letters from missionaries to the Church or to families). This indicates that in the early period until the early 17th century, in the South, particularly in the Quang Nam region, people practicing the faith carried out their religious activities normally. Conversely, during the same period in the North, cultural conflicts caused disagreements in the Catholic and non-Catholic communities, affecting the practice of faith. Nguyễn Hồng regarded the year 1631 as the beginning of the appearance of Catholic martyrs in the North.^[14]

Conflict also contributed to the formation of Catholic villages with an “integration of Catholics and non-Catholics” (gián tòng lương/giáo) structure. The promotion of the formation of organized villages/parishes began around the late 18th and early 19th centuries^[15], aiming to concentrate Catholic followers in specific areas to support each other in maintaining and practicing their faith conveniently.

Thus, the conflict between traditional culture and Catholic culture is a pervasive and significant issue, leading to struggles against Catholicism by a portion of the non-Catholic population, traditional religious authorities, government officials, and the anti-Catholic policies of feudal dynasties in Vietnam. This resulted in social discrimination between the two communities, such as discouraging marriage relations between Catholics and non-Catholics, Catholic villages exacerbating the distance between Catholics and non-Catholics, and past conflicts making Catholics vulnerable to harm.

At the time when the idea for the exhibition of Catholic culture emerged, the understanding of the non-Catholic community about the Catholic community was very limited, often one-sided and biased.

The Process Leading Up to the Exhibition – Untying the “Knots”

Similar to other major exhibitions of the Vietnam Museum of Ethnology, this exhibition was prepared over an extended period (from 2005 to 2008). Due to the sensitive nature of the exhibition’s theme, those responsible for its content and the Museum’s Board of Directors had to address many “knots” they encountered.

• Why Organize an Exhibition on Catholicism and Why First Rather Than Buddhism?

This question was raised by some religious management agencies during the brainstorming process for the Museum’s exhibition development. Following a hierarchical mindset, Buddhism is often prioritized and presented first in any societal activities. So why was this sequence being reversed at the VME? Why organize an exhibition on Catholicism first rather than Buddhism? Is this an indication of a change in order/priority? These questions perplexed and worried those advocating for the exhibition idea, as failure to explain could potentially lead to intervention or a postponement of the exhibition. We asked ourselves: should such hierarchical thinking be applied in the VME’s activities? Our answer was a definite “no”, because a museum is a cultural institution committed to respecting and equally presenting various cultures and cultural subjects. For a museum, there is no principle of presenting culture in a ‘line-up’ style, following a hierarchical order between cultures, specifically between religions. The sequence of presentation depends largely on society’s genuine interests, the researchers’ interests, the availability of artifacts, the ability to access and collect them, and the ability to seek funding from sponsors. The approach to cultural presentation by museums is different from presentation in a political space. This point was made clear in many direct conversations and other communications, and ultimately the Museum received the support of state officials in charge of religious affairs.

• How to Exhibit Catholicism Without Becoming Engaged in Proselytizing?

With the message of the exhibition: ‘Catholic culture is part of Vietnamese culture’ – The curators always aim to organize the exhibition in the right direction, conveying the correct message, and avoiding inadvertently becoming engaged in proselytizing. This concern is undoubtedly shared by the relevant state management agencies. Whether objectively or subjectively, if the exhibition is perceived or assessed as facilitating ‘religious dissemination,’ it would be a significant violation for the Museum, not only in the eyes of state managers but also in terms of museum ethics. If the path taken is to introduce religious doctrine, it would undoubtedly lead to situations the Museum needs to avoid.

In reality, most non-Catholics lack basic knowledge about Catholicism and do not understand the lives of Catholics. Additionally, culture encompasses various elements: cultures of different regions, classes, occupational groups, etc. To understand the Catholic community, one must also understand their thoughts, behavioral customs, and rituals tied to their locality. Through discussions with bishops, priests, and scholars, a plan to introduce Catholicism through the practice of sacraments associated with the everyday cultural activities of Catholics was proposed to satisfy the different needs of many parties. The approach that the VME wishes to implement in the exhibition Living in the Sacraments – Catholic Culture in Contemporary Vietnam is to present Catholic culture through the perceptions and practices of ordinary Catholics. Through this, we can understand how they have made Catholicism an indispensable part of their lives and community, and how Catholicism has become a culture.

When the research-collection team asked to learn about Catholic life in preparation for the exhibition, parishioners often said they didn’t know much and suggested we speak with the priests, as they were knowledgeable about Catholicism, Catholic doctrine, and the lives of parishioners. Many were willing to introduce the team to their priests. During our field trips, we first went to see the priests in charge of the parishes, discussed our ideas, and expressed our exhibition goals. We spent most of our time staying with Catholic families, persistently and harmoniously trying to understand their lives. We dedicated significant time to fieldwork at various dioceses, parishes, and Catholic neighborhoods to help Catholics get accustomed to the presence of museum staff, making them see our presence as normal.

We listened, learned, and tried to understand how they speak, express themselves, and use Catholic terminology. Our team had to explain that we wanted to understand their lives and their own stories, not those of anyone else. We wanted them to share their everyday stories, their joys and sorrows, and the challenges they faced in life. We hoped the exhibition would serve as a bridge for them to share their culture and for non-Catholics to understand the culture and lives of Catholics. Once the people understood our intent, they became open and enthusiastically helped the team establish relationships, provide information, share stories, and find artifacts for the exhibition.

• How to Collect Catholic Artifacts, Especially Sacred Artifacts?

Collecting artifacts for the exhibition was a major concern for the research-collection team, as the VME hardly had any Catholic artifacts. Research-collection trips faced many difficulties, including year-long negotiations and persuasion for even just a single artifact essential to the exhibition concept, which often ended in failure. However, we found luck elsewhere. The family of Mr. Phó Khuông in Nam Định had been devout Catholics for generations and had a tradition of sculpting statues for cathedrals in the Bùi Chu and Phú Nhai parishes. Many people mentioned that, in the past, the statues in churches in the region, such as Phú Nhai, Bắc Tỉnh, Lục Thủy, Ninh Cường, and Xuân Bắc (Nam Định), were all crafted, restored, or maintained by the artisans of the Trần family lineage (commonly referred to as “the Phó-s”). These statues have a distinct and lively style, and the special “eye-dotting” technique gives them a soulful expression. During our first field trip to the Phú Nhai parish (Nam Định), we became acquainted with this family. Over the next three years, from 2005 to 2007, during many business trips, the research-collection team often visited their family to observe, ask questions, take photos, and sometimes just to visit while passing by. By 2007, they considered the team as part of their family.

One time, Mr. Trần Quốc Hưng, the sole heir in the fifth generation, handed us an old, tattered plastic bag, saying that inside this bag were very important family heirlooms passed down from previous generations. Inside were a book and an album. The book was very old, the first few pages are missing, some pages are loose at the spine or have torn edges and missing corners. It contained illustrations of the life of Jesus Christ with brief explanations, enough for the reader to understand the content of the images. The old album contained postcards, drawings, and photographs of Jesus, the Virgin Mary, Saints, and Cardinals from Vietnam and abroad. Mr. Hưng explained that the family’s sculpting secrets were in this album. From the graceful flow of the robes, the delicate features and soft hands, the ethereal quality of the characters’ faces in the pictures, his family sculpted statues that were described as lifelike.

On another occasion, Mr. Hưng brought out a plastic basket containing wooden pieces shaped like squares, rectangles, and triangles. Both sides of the wooden pieces were shiny black with engraved patterns. He explained that these were molds used to create patterns on the body, clothes, or beard of the statues. When asked why he had only shown us these items now, he joked, “I had to see what you were like first!”

Mr. Hưng has a brother-in-law.^[16] Once, this brother-in-law discreetly informed our group that Mr. Hưng was keeping a very valuable statue of Saint Vincent, a masterpiece by Mr. Phó Gia^[17], with face, hands and feet made of ivory. Mr. Công advised us to ask Mr. Hưng to allow us to display it in the Museum. After multiple attempts at persuasion, Mr. Hưng led us to the second floor to see the statue, which was placed prominently in a glass case. The statue was very beautiful and stood about 50-60 cm tall. If the Museum could acquire this statue, we could illustrate two stories: one about the saint who performs miracles according to Catholic beliefs, and the other about a beautiful product made by a family with a five-generation tradition of statue-making.

Despite our continuous efforts to persuade him, Mr. Hưng, after much deliberation, ultimately did not agree to our request for three reasons: first, the statue came from his ancestors, he was lucky to get the statue from someone who had asked him to repair it and he had managed to persuade him to let him keep it; second, it was a statue of Saint Vincent, considered a miracle-performing saint, and it had been blessed to be placed in a church, so he feared that selling it to the Museum might bring bad luck to his family; third, the statue had been priced at $10,000 by Catholic statue collectors, and he was concerned that selling it to the Museum at such a high price would be challenging, as the Museum could not afford it. He promised to find us another statue also made by Mr. Phó Gia. In the end, in our introduction section about his family, we displayed three artifacts: a statue of Saint Dominique carved by Mr. Phó Gia^[18], an old album, and a mold with engraved patterns. Additionally, Mr. Hưng was commissioned by the Museum to create an 1.8 m tall statue of Our Lady of Sorrows, which was placed at the opening space of the exhibition. With this, we were reasonably satisfied with the section introducing the family’s five-generation legacy of Catholic statue craftsmanship.

One of the negotiations that the team and the lenders of artifacts underwent was full of deliberation and considerations. This involved borrowing a statue of Saint Camelio offering the Holy cross for the kẻ liệt^[19] (very sick) to kiss before dying. This wooden statue belonged to the head of the Kẻ Liệt Congregation – Association of Prayers for the Very Sick in a parish in Hải Dương— an association of people who console, say prayers and hold last sacraments for dying Catholics. The statue was placed on top of a standing wardrobe in his family home. From the very first meeting and subsequent visits, he was very open about the work of the Congregation, the difficulties and challenges they faced, as well as the dedication of its members. Recognizing the Kẻ Liệt Congregation as a unique cultural aspect of Catholicism, we wanted to introduce this distinctive culture by proposing to attend a prayer ceremony for “the sick” and to have him help collect a set of ritual objects. He pointed to the statue of Saint Camelio in the act of letting the very sick kiss the cross, a posture that best reflected the work of the Society’s members. Hearing his introduction about this statue, the team was very excited, as we were seeking ways to represent the theme “Journey to the Eternal Realm” — addressing the Catholic concept of death and its associated cultural practices.

Previously, we were concerned that using images like Christ crucified with wounds and blood, or talking about the death of the Catholics by displaying a dying person in the exhibition could be distasteful to non-Catholics and possibly unsuitable for children. But with the newly discovered statue, the theme of “death” could be represented in a “safe” manner. He assured us that he would provide the necessary materials and ritual tools, but he delayed lending us the statue, citing the need to “ask permission from the Saint to see whether he agrees.” After many visits without success, the increasingly intense events at Thái Hà and Nhà Chung made persuading him even more challenging. He made the effort to visit the Museum to see for himself how the exhibition was taking shape. He followed the ongoing events in Hanoi through the press and the websites of both state agencies and the Church. Meanwhile, the curators were still determined to incorporate the statue in the exhibition and kept a space for it in the design. On November 29, 2008, only 11 days before the exhibition opening, the Museum sent someone to his house (a curator, a conservator) , with the determination to bring the artifact back. From early morning until 5 PM, attempts to persuade him were unsuccessful. His concern was that if the exhibition by the authorities was a form of justification for the government, then he, from being a fervent supporter of the genuine purpose of the exhibition, would become a “betrayer” of the Catholic community and the Congregation. When we assured him that the Museum’s exhibitions were independent and that the Museum always strives to truthfully reflect its subjects, he experienced internal conflict between the State and authorities on one side and the Catholic community and congregation on the other. Finally, around 6 PM that day, he made an unexpected decision: “Okay, you take the Saint with you!” We joyfully “asked permission” from the Saint before carefully packing the statue. Everyone was in a hurry to leave Mr. Tân’s house, fearing he might change his mind.

• How to Display Sacred Artifacts?

We also faced another sensitive issue: how to display sacred artifacts in the exhibition. These artifacts have been “blessed” by priests. Beforehand, we conducted a study on Catholic sacred artifacts and found that for Catholics, once the artifacts are no longer used, their sacredness naturally diminishes.^[20] However, in the exhibition, we strive to maintain the spirit of respect for these artifacts as they would be treated in everyday Catholic practice. During our research, we frequently consulted Catholics on the appropriate attitude towards these artifacts to show respect. Before the opening day, we invited Catholic collaborators from St. Joseph’s Cathedral in Hanoi to review the exhibition and help adjust anything they found unsatisfactory or inconsistent with the spirit of Catholic culture.

Most of their feedback related to the inadequate height of the platforms displaying the artifacts, which did not properly show respect. Immediately, we and the design team made adjustments. For example, we raised the wooden platform for the monstrance by 10 cm and covered it with a white cloth; statues were given additional stands; the three priestly vestments displayed on mannequins were adjusted to include a white alb inside; and the Easter candles were repositioned correctly with their stands. However, there were some artifacts that we, even after receiving feedback, kept in their original state after consulting the owners of the artifacts because the VME always aims to respect the local context of the artifacts. An example of this is the case of two altars from a Catholic family collection in Cẩm Nhượng (Hà Tĩnh). The Hanoi Catholic group felt the altar placement was too low and needed to be higher. However, the owners belonged to a Catholic community in Hà Tĩnh, who are fishermen living near the sea, and most of them build single-story houses with very low roofs to avoid storms. In this context, the family placed one altar on a buffet cabinet in the middle of the house; the second altar, due to the elderly and frequently ill owner, was placed at the head of the bed for convenience in praying before sleeping.

Another object that raised concern among the Hanoi Catholics was the statue of the Lady of Sorrows placed at the entrance of the exhibition. This statue was usually used during Easter at Phú Nhai parish, showing the sadness of the Virgin Mary when Jesus was arrested and crucified. When we commissioned the statue and its clothing, the research-collection team used a statue from Phú Nhai parish as a model. Accordingly, Virgin Mary’s overcoat was black. But the Hanoi Catholic group stated that during Easter, Mary wears purple, symbolizing mourning and sorrow. Meanwhile, at Phú Nhai parish in particular and the Bùi Chu diocese in general, black is used for Mary’s sorrowful attire. Therefore, the organizers decided to keep the black overcoat for the Virgin Mary, fitting the mindset and culture of the Phú Nhai parishioners. These examples demonstrate our careful consideration and consultation with many people to display artifacts in a manner that is suitable for the Museum, ensuring both the aesthetic and necessary respect for the sacred artifacts.

“Knots” That Cannot Be Untied

The researchers and organizers this time aimed to implement an associative and connective approach to make the exhibition more diverse and informative. This approach makes use of contemporary stories to reflect on the past, links one site to another, and connects the stories of individuals and specific events to the history of a particular place. It encourages and prompts visitors to delve deeper with references outside the Museum after viewing the exhibition. However, it was also affected by the tensions between different powers.

The exhibition successfully utilized this associative method by mentioning historical names in Vietnamese Catholic history, such as Ninh Cường, Bùi Chu (Nam Định), Phát Diệm (Ninh Binh), and Ba Làng (Thanh Hóa). The name Ba Làng^[21] is associated with Catholics who migrated to the United States in 1975 and are now living in New Orleans. Over the past half-century, their journey has involved multiple relocations: Ba Làng (Thanh Hoá) – Đồng Nai – Long Xuyên – New Orleans, yet they have not had a chance to return to their original homeland. A white shirt worn during a baptism ceremony, and a pair of certificates of marriage catechism from Ba Làng presented in the exhibition suggest many connections and reflections, especially for those who have lived through the same period and are knowledgeable about the history and those who are related to these places now living in Vietnam and overseas.

However, some attempts to create associations were not successful. For instance, the organizers wanted to find various symbols to connect with Our Lady of La Vang^[22]. The Saigon regime once published a set of stamps featuring Our Lady of La Vang, circulated from 1962 to 1975. The stamps are imprinted with Our Lady of La Vang clad in a long dress and wearing a crown, holding the infant Jesus in her arms. We thought of the set of stamps as an artifact that could connect with this story. The Vietnam Museum of Ethnology and our stamp collector friends in Hanoi did not have this set of stamps. Through the Internet, Phùng Đại Hùng, a web administrator of the Tem Viet Website living in Ho Chi Minh City, was willing to donate these precious stamps. Upon receiving the stamp series, we were overjoyed.

Regarding Alexandre de Rhodes (1593 – 1660), a missionary significant for transliterating Vietnamese using Latin letters, we knew that his image had also been printed on stamps. Mr. Phùng Đại Hùng continued to donate two sets of stamps featuring this missionary: The first set was published by the French Indochinese Administration in 1943, and the second set was also published by France but bore the seal of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. If this set of stamps were on display, visitors could clearly see the gradual transition from the feudal colonial regime to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam after the August Revolution. The third set of stamps was published by the Republic of Vietnam. On the stamp, in addition to the picture of Father de Rhodes and his name is a picture of an open book with the inscription “National Script” on one side and “Our Language” on the other.

We believed that these rare artifacts would create associations on various levels for visitors. However, after careful consideration, these stamps were excluded from the exhibition for their “sensitive” nature. In this case, differences in viewpoints led to an implicit agreement regarding the choice between displaying the Our Lady of La Vang stamps and presenting La Vang in the exhibition. The exhibition team decided to remove the Our Lady of La Vang stamps from the display list to maintain the presence of La Vang Church in the exhibition. Additionally, we also chose not to display artifacts related to the missionary Alexandre de Rhodes, opting instead to only display his portrait and the book “Eight-Day Preaching.”

Conclusion

If asked whether temporary displays, like the Living in the Sacraments – Catholic Culture in Contemporary Vietnam exhibition, can participate in historical writing, my personal opinion is both yes and no. Yes, in the sense that this exhibition, with its positive outcomes, marks a historical milestone in museum practice by addressing a sensitive topic at a sensitive time and the curatorial strategies used to overcome challenges. No, in the sense that we cannot rewrite, change, or erase historical events related to Catholicism. This exhibition represents a meeting, negotiation, and consensus not only among the museum, sponsors, and researchers but also with Catholic dignitaries and followers. With determination, sincerity, and caution, the exhibition helps clarify historical events; it acts as a bridge fostering better understanding between religious and non-religious communities, reducing prejudice and making Catholics prouder of their religious culture within a diverse and rich Vietnamese culture.

About the author:
Vũ Thị Hà (b. 1982) is a researcher at the Office of Christianity at the Institute for Religious Studies and Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences. She holds a Bachelor’s degree in History from the University of Social Sciences and Humanities in Hanoi (2001) and a Ph.D. in Anthropology from the Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences (2019). Working at the Vietnam Museum of Ethnology from 2003 to 2023, she has been participating in researching, collecting, and organizing numerous exhibitions on the cultures of Vietnamese ethnic groups. Additionally, her current research interest lies in urban anthropology, social-cultural changes, and the adaptation of ethnic groups in Vietnam within the context of urbanization through the stories of specific individuals. She believes that individual people are actively practicing and contributing to the creation of cultural diversity on a daily basis.

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^[1]  Nguyên Hồng 1959, Lịch sử truyền giáo Việt Nam (volume I), Hiện tại Publishing House, HCMC, p. 14.

^[2] Phạm Huy Thông (2013), “Đạo Công giáo với tư duy người Việt”, accessed February 4, 2015, http://conggiao.info/news/2146/17282/dao-cong-giao-voi-tu-duy-nguoi-viet.aspx.

^[3]  From 1965 to 1975, due to wartime circumstances, the reforms and consolidations of the Congregation were almost rarely mentioned as basic directions for the Church in Vietnam. See also Giáo hội Công Giáo Việt Nam, Niên giám 2004, Tôn giáo Publishing House, Hà Nội. 

^[4]  Although this issue has been debated in the Church for centuries, the uncompromising attitude of the Catholic Church and some non-mainstream denominations (except for the Name denomination) towards the worship of ancestors has prevailed. See Nguyễn Khánh Diệp (2016), “Vấn đề thờ cúng tổ tiên của tín đồ Công giáo người Việt”, Tạp chí Nghiên cứu Tôn giáo, no. 4, pp. 65-94, and Vũ Thị Hà (2016), “Những xung đột trong quá trình du nhập Công giáo vào Việt Nam và sự hòa nhập xã hội của người Công giáo”, Tạp chí Khoa học xã hội Miền Trung, no. 6, p. 22-30.

^[5]  Nguyễn Khánh Diệp (2016), “Vấn đề thờ cúng tổ tiên của tín đồ Công giáo người Việt”, Tạp chí Nghiên cứu Tôn giáo, no. 4, pp. 65-94.

^[6]  The evidence is that throughout the process of propagating Catholicism, foreign missionaries have always been accused by others such as Confucianists, monks, and priests – representatives of traditional religions and beliefs – of associating with stories that Nguyễn Hồng believes are meant to “accuse” for harm. See Nguyễn Hồng (1959), Lịch sử truyền giáo ở Việt Nam, Vol. I, Hiện tại Publishing House, Sài Gòn, p. 130.

^[7]  Nguyễn Quang Hưng (2007), Công giáo Việt Nam thời kỳ triều Nguyễn (1802-1883), Tôn giáo Publishing House, Hà Nội, p. 139.

^[8] For example, in 1614, Father Buzomi was warmly received by Sãi Vương, the son of Lord Tiên, Nguyễn Hoàng. Preoccupied with strengthening his military forces to fight against the Trịnh, Lord Nguyễn paid little attention to religious matters, allowing the missionaries to freely propagate their faith, and they were even respected. Lord Nguyễn wanted to maintain commercial relations with the Portuguese for weapons, ammunition, and metal goods, and the missionaries were on those trade ships entering Vietnam (Nguyễn Hồng 1959, Lịch sử truyền giáo ở Việt Nam, pp. 53-54). In 1619, the Portuguese in Macau also sent an envoy to the South to strengthen the relationship with the court and requested Lord Nguyễn to protect the missionaries’ freedom of proselytizing. The envoy was warmly received by Lord Nguyễn, who granted the missionaries an edict bearing his red seal, personally endorsed by the Lords, allowing them to freely travel and preach throughout the South, with severe penalties for anyone who obstructed them (Nguyễn Hồng 1959, Lịch sử truyền giáo ở Việt Nam, p. 68).

^[9] Phạm Huy Thông (2011), Ảnh hưởng qua lại của đạo Công giáo và văn hoá Việt Nam, Tôn giáo Publishing House, Hà Nội, p. 348.

^[10] According to researcher Trần Trung Hiếu: “The Văn Thân movement was a patriotic movement of the masses led by Confucian scholars, primarily Bachelors and Licentiates, which started in 1864 in the North and Central regions…  The Văn Thân movement began with a major strike by thousands of candidates from the inter-provincial examination in the North and Central in 1864, protesting the Nguyễn Dynasty’s signing of the Treaty of Nhâm Tuất (1862) with France, which ceded three provinces in Eastern Cochinchina and the Côn Lôn Island to the French colonists. The Văn Thân accused Catholicism of bringing foreign invaders and the Catholic parishioners of assisting the French colonizers. They believed that to defeat the French colonists, the internal enemy—the Catholic parishioners—had to be eliminated” (Trần Trung Hiếu (2024), “150 năm khởi nghĩa Trần Tấn – Đặng Như Mai (1874 – 2024): “Phen này quyết đánh cả triều lẫn Tây””, Tạp chí Văn hóa Thông tin Nghệ An, vol. 1, pp. 44-49).

Professor Trần Văn Giàu remarked: “It cannot be denied that the 1874 movement in Nghệ Tĩnh was a patriotic movement initiated by the patriotics of the Văn Thân movement. But it also cannot be denied that the patriotics of the Văn Thân movement made very political mistakes when they considered ‘sát Tả’ (killing the Catholics) as the first condition for ‘bình Tây’ (driving out the French), failing to distinguish between ordinary Catholic parishioners and the priests who were collaborators with the French invaders” (Trần Văn Giàu (1973), Sự phát triển của tư tưởng ở Việt Nam, vol. 1, Khoa học xã hội Publishing House, Hà Nội, p. 353).

^[11]  “Bình Tây” refers to defeating the Western invaders, specifically the French colonizers at that time; “sát Tả” means killing those who follow the “Tả” religion, referring to Catholics.

^[12] Đỗ Quang Hưng (2006), “Công giáo và dân tộc ở nước ta trong bối cảnh đất nước quá độ đi lên chủ nghĩa xã hội”, accessed December 1, 2023, https://his.ussh.vnu.edu.vn/vi/news/bui-minh-hanh/cong-giao-va-dan-toc-o-nuoc-ta-trong-boi-canh-dat-nuoc-qua-do-di-len-chu-nghia-xa-hoi-5816.html

^[13]  Hội đồng Giám mục Việt Nam (1980), Thư chung năm 1980.

^[14]  When Mr. Phanxicô Cương decided to remain faithful to the church and was beheaded by the Hoàng lord. See also Nguyễn Hồng (1959), Sđd, p. 207.

^[15] Nguyễn Hồng Dương (1997), Làng Công giáo Lưu Phương (Ninh Bình) từ năm 1829 đến năm 1945, Khoa học xã hội Publishing House, pp. 82-83.

^[16] This was the first Catholic person we met during our first field trip (in 2005). He studied at a university in Hanoi and returned to his hometown to develop handicrafts to serve his family’s religious activities. His house was close to Hưng’s house.

^[17]  The second generation – Hưng’s grandfather, considered the best sculptor in the area.

^[18] In particular, this statue originally had a face and hands made of ivory, but later the hands were lost, so Mr. Hưng restored them with wood – a gesture suggesting a connection between generations of a family practicing traditional crafts.

^[19]  A term referring to someone who is suffering, sick, or dying.

^[20]  Laurel Kendall, Nguyễn Văn Huy, Vũ Thị Hà, Vũ Thị Thanh Tâm, Nguyễn Thị Hiền (2013), “Is it a sin to sell a statue? Catholic Statues and the Traffic in Antiquities in Vietnam”, Museum Anthropology, Vol. 36, No. 1, pp. 66–82. DOI: 10.1111/muan.12005

^[21] A village in Hải Thanh commune, Tĩnh Gia district, Thanh Hoá province. On March 19, 1627, missionary Alexandre de Rhodes set foot in Cửa Bạng (now Ba Làng) and carried out missionary work there. In 1954, after the Geneva Accords, most of the Catholic parishioners in Ba Làng migrated to the South, and from there, many continued to migrate to the United States.

^[22] La Vang is a location in Hải Lăng district, Quảng Trị province. It is believed that in the late 18th century, when Catholicism was being harshly suppressed by the feudal government in Vietnam, the epiphany of Virgin Mary was seen in this area in 1798. Our Lady of La Vang is often depicted as a Vietnamese woman wearing a traditional áo dài, holding a child. La Vang today is considered a sacred site and an important pilgrimage destination for Vietnamese Catholics.